Excavations


... nothing is more essential to public interest than the preservation of public liberty.

- David Hume



Showing posts with label Covid-19. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Covid-19. Show all posts

Thursday, April 28, 2022

Where is Gandhi when you need him?

In his own time Gandhi was held in contrast to the bloody-mindedness of Hitler and Stalin, and the era of world wars.  Who do we look to today to counter Putin’s brutal militarism?  Gandhi’s was a message of truth, of non-violence, of the power of self-sacrifice, and his influence can be found in the American civil rights movement, in anti-apartheid South Africa, and among the student protestors at Tiananmen Square.[1]

Gandhi can be described as a kind of Nietzschean superman, who transcended all values – including Nietzsche himself – to become a global icon.[2]  He found joy through an ascetic “secret of service” and is now regarded as “Father of the Nation”, so it should come as no surprise that his face adorns the Indian rupee.[3] It is also possible that his is the only bespectacled visage on the official currency of any country.

Perhaps the closest equivalent we have to Gandhi today are our nurses and doctors who have worked unenviable hours over days, weeks and months, for more than two years of the pandemic.  Gandhi himself had fallen seriously ill from the Spanish Influenza of 1918-19, but long before that he found that he had “an aptitude for nursing” which “gradually developed into a passion”.[4]

Here is an extended quotation from Gandhi’s Autobiography where he deals with an early plague, in India, of an unknown date, but likely around 1897, before Queen Victoria’s Diamond Jubilee.[5]  Note his singular respect for the untouchables, and the varying reactions to his service of toilet cleaning by the different castes.

Plague broke out in Bombay about this time, and there was panic all around.  There was fear of an outbreak at Rajkot.  As I felt that I could be of some help in the sanitation department, I offered my services to the State. They were accepted, and I was put on the committee which was appointed to look into the question.  I laid especial emphasis on the cleanliness of latrines, and the committee decided to inspect these in every street.  The poor people had no objection to their latrines being inspected, and what is more, they carried out the improvements suggested to them.  But when we went to inspect the houses of the upper ten, some of them even refused us admission, not to talk of listening to or suggestions. It was our common experience that the latrines of the rich were more unclean.  They were dark and stinking and reeking with filth and worms.  The improvements we suggested were quite simple, e.g., to have buckets for excrement instead of allowing it to drop on the ground; to see that urine also was collected in buckets, instead of allowing it to soak into the ground and to demolish the partitions between the outer walls and the latrines, so as to give the latrines more light and air and enable the scavenger to clean them properly.  The upper classes raised numerous objections to this last improvement, and in most cases it was not carried out.

The committee had to inspect the untouchables’ quarters also.  Only one member of the committee was ready to accompany me there.  To the rest it was something preposterous to visit these quarters, still more to inspect their latrines.  But for me those quarters were an agreeable surprise.  That was the first visit in my life to such a locality.  The men and women there were surprised to see us.  I asked them to let us inspect their latrines.

‘Latrines for us!’ they exclaimed in astonishment. ‘We go and perform our functions out in the open.  Latrines are for you big people.’

‘Well, then, you won’t mind if we inspect your houses?’ I asked.

‘You are perfectly welcome, sir.  You may see every nook and corer of our houses.  Ours are no houses, they are holes.’

I went in and was delighted to see that the insides were as clean as the outsides.  The entrances were well swept, the floors were beautifully smeared with cow-dung, and the few pots and pans were clean and shining.  There was no fear of an outbreak in these quarters.

In the upper class quarters we came across which I cannot help describing in some detail.  Every room had its gutter, which was used both for water and urine, which meant that the whole house would stink.  But one of the houses had a storeyed bedroom with a gutter which was being used both as a urinal and a latrine.  The gutter had a pipe descending to the ground floor.  It was not possible to stand the foul smell in this room.  How the occupants could sleep there I leave the readers to imagine.[6]

Gandhi, Autobiography, c. 1897.
 

 



[1] Shruti Kapila, Violent Fraternity: Indian Political Thought in the Global Age (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2021), p.  135.

[2] Ibid, p. 143.

[3] Mohandas K. Gandhi, Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth, tr. Mahadev Desai (New York: Dover, 1983), p. 196.

[4] Ibid., p. 153.  See also p. 213.

[5] Ibid., p. 151.

[6] Ibid., pp. 149,150. 

Monday, March 21, 2022

A Tale of Three January’s – or just random coincidence?

January 30, 1933 – Hitler becomes Chancellor of Germany, legally.

January 6, 2021 [also the date of Epiphany, for Christians] – Attack on Congress, Washington DC, U.S.A.

January 28/29, 2022 – ‘Freedom Convoy’ arrives in downtown Ottawa, Canada, outside Parliament, including 3,000 transport rigs and other trucks, as well as 15,000 demonstrators, some bearing the swastika. Before the protestors reached their destination they called on the Senate and Governor General to revoke all Covid-19 restrictions, which was totally unconstitutional. January 29th is Canada's National Day of Remembrance and Action Against Islamophobia. January 30th is International Holocaust Remembrance Day.  

 

Thursday, January 13, 2022

James Frazer on ancient Greeks, scapegoat customs, and the plague

The ancient Greeks were also familiar with the use of the human scapegoat.  At Plutarch’s native town of Chaeronea in Boeotia, there was a ceremony of this kind performed by the chief magistrate at the Town Hall, and each householder at his own home.  It was called the “expulsion of hunger.”  A slave was beaten with the rods of the agnus castus, and turned out of doors with the words, “Out with hunger, and in with wealth and health.”  When Plutarch held office of the chief magistrate of his native town he performed this ceremony at the Town Hall, and he recorded the discussion to which the custom always gave rise.  The ceremony closely resembles the Japanese, Hindoo, and Highland customs ….

But in civilized Greece the custom of the scapegoat took darker forms than the innocent rite over which the amiable and pious Plutarch presided.  Whenever Marseilles, one of the busiest and most brilliant of Greek colonies, was ravaged by a plague, a man of the poorer classes used to offer himself as a scapegoat.  For a whole year he was maintained at the public expense, being fed on choice and pure food.  At the expiry of the year he was dressed in sacred garment, checked with holy branches, and led through the whole city, while prayers were uttered that all the evils of the people might fall on his head.  He was then cast out of the city.  The Athenians regularly maintained a number of degraded and useless beings at public expense; and when any calamity, such as plague, drought, or famine befell the city, they sacrificed two of these outcasts as scapegoats.  One of the victims was sacrificed for the men and the other for the women.  The former wore round his neck a string of black, the latter a string of white figs.  Sometimes, it seems, the victim slain on behalf of the women was a woman.  They were led about the city and then sacrificed, apparently by being stoned to death outside the city.  But such sacrifices were not confined to extraordinary occasions of public calamity; it appears that every year, at the festival of the Thargelia in May, two victims, one for the men and ne for the women, were led out of Athens and stoned to death.

From the Lover’s Leap, a white bluff at the southern end of their island, the Leucadians used annually to hurl a criminal into the sea as a scapegoat.  But to lighten his fall they fastened live birds and feathers to him, and a flotilla of small boats waited below to catch him and convey him beyond the boundary.  Doubtless these humane precautions were a mitigation of an earlier custom of flinging the scapegoat into the sea to drown.  The custom of the scapegoat as practiced by the Greeks of Asia Minor in the sixth century B.C. was as follows.  When a city suffered from plague, famine, or other public calamity, an ugly or deformed person was chosen to take upon himself all the evils by which the city was afflicted.  He was brought to a suitable place where dried figs, a barley loaf, and cheese were put into his hand.  These he ate.  Then he was beaten seven times upon his genital organs with squills and branches of the wild fig and other trees.  Afterwards he was burned on a pyre constructed of the wood of forest trees; and his ashes were cast into the sea.  A similar custom appears to have been annually celebrated by the Asiatic Greeks at the harvest festival of the Thargelia.[1]

James Frazer, The Golden Bough (1890)



[1] James G. Frazer, The Golden Bough: The Roots of Religion and Folklore. Vol II (New York: Avenel Books, 1981), pp. 210-213..

Friday, May 14, 2021

Tagore on Nationalism in India

Once again I draw your attention to the difficulties India has had to encounter and her struggle to overcome them. Her problem was the problem of the world in miniature. India is too vast in its area and too diverse in its races. It is many countries packed in one geographical receptacle. It is just the opposite of what Europe truly is, namely, one country made into many. Thus Europe in its culture and growth has had the advantage of the strength of the many as well as the strength of the one. India, on the contrary, being naturally many, yet adventitiously one, has all along suffered from the looseness of its diversity and the feebleness of its unity. A true unity is like a round globe, it rolls on, carrying its burden easily; but diversity is a many-cornered thing which has to be dragged and pushed with all force. Be it said to the credit of India that this diversity was not her own creation; she has had to accept it as a fact from the beginning of her history. In America and Australia, Europe has simplified her problem by almost exterminating the original population. Even in the present age this spirit of extermination is making itself manifest, in the inhospitable shutting out of aliens, by those who themselves were aliens in the lands they now occupy. But India tolerated difference of races from the first, and that spirit of toleration has acted all through her history.

Her caste system is the outcome of this spirit of toleration. For India has all along been trying experiments in evolving a social unity within which all the different peoples could be held together, while fully enjoying the freedom of maintaining their own differences. The tie has been as loose as possible, yet as close as the circumstances permitted. This has produced something like a United States of a social federation, whose common name is Hinduism.

India had felt that diversity of races there must be and should be, whatever may be its drawback, and you can never coerce nature into your narrow limits of convenience without paying one day very dearly for it. In this India was right; but what she failed to realize was that in human beings differences are not like the physical barriers of mountains, fixed for ever—they are fluid with life's flow, they are changing their courses and their shapes and volume.

Therefore in her caste regulations India recognized differences, but not the mutability which is the law of life. In trying to avoid collisions she set up boundaries of immovable walls, thus giving to her numerous races the negative benefit of peace and order but not the positive opportunity of expansion and movement. She accepted nature where it produces diversity, but ignored it where it uses that diversity for its world-game of infinite permutations and combinations. She treated life in all truth where it is manifold, but insulted it where it is ever moving. Therefore Life departed from her social system and in its place she is worshipping with all ceremony the magnificent cage of countless compartments that she has manufactured….

However, what Western observers fail to discern is that in her caste system India in all seriousness accepted her responsibility to solve the race problem in such a manner as to avoid all friction, and yet to afford each race freedom within its boundaries. Let us admit India has not in this achieved a full measure of success. But this you must also concede, that the West, being more favourably situated as to homogeneity of races, has never given her attention to this problem, and whenever confronted with it she has tried to make it easy by ignoring it altogether. And this is the source of her anti-Asiatic agitations for depriving aliens of their right to earn their honest living on these shores. In most of your colonies you only admit them on condition of their accepting the menial position of hewers of wood and drawers of water. Either you shut your doors against the aliens or reduce them into slavery. And this is your solution of the problem of race-conflict. Whatever may be its merits you will have to admit that it does not spring from the higher impulses of civilization, but from the lower passions of greed and hatred. 

You say this is human nature—and India also thought she knew human nature when she strongly barricaded her race distinctions by the fixed barriers of social gradations. But we have found out to our cost that human nature is not what it seems, but what it is in truth; which is in its infinite possibilities. And when we in our blindness insult humanity for its ragged appearance it sheds its disguise to disclose to us that we have insulted our God. The degradation which we cast upon others in our pride or self-interest degrades our own humanity—and this is the punishment which is most terrible, because we do not detect it till it is too late.[1]

Tagore, Nationalism (1917)

 



[1] Rabindranath Tagore, Nationalism (New York: MacMillan, 1918), pp. 114-119. First published in 1917.  Available as a Project Gutenberg eBook from which the above text is excerpted.  Tagore won the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1913.  He was the first non-European to win a Nobel Prize.


Wednesday, May 12, 2021

Gandhi on ‘The condition of England’ (and on the condition of India today)

The condition of England at present is pitiable. I pray to God that India may never be in that plight. That which you consider to be the Mother of Parliaments is like a sterile woman and a prostitute. Both these are harsh terms, but exactly fit the case. That Parliament has not yet, of its own accord, done a single good thing. Hence I have compared it to a sterile woman. The natural condition of that Parliament is such that, without outside pressure, it can do nothing. It is like a prostitute because it is under the control of ministers who change from time to time. Today it is under Mr. Asquith, tomorrow it may be under Mr. Balfour.…

…  If you will read the literature on this subject, you will have some idea of it. Parliament is without a real master. Under the Prime Minister, its movement is not steady but it is buffeted about like a prostitute. The Prime Minister is more concerned about his power than about the welfare of Parliament. His energy is concentrated upon securing the success of his party. His care is not always that Parliament shall do right. Prime Ministers are known to have made Parliament do things merely for party advantage. All this is worth thinking over.[1]

M.K. Gandhi, Hind Swaraj (1909)



[1] Mahatma Gandhi, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rule (Ahmedabad, India: Navajivan Publishing House, nd), Chapter 5.  For a readable and free online version of the text, see David Runciman’s podcast on Gandhi in Series 1 of Talking Politics: History of Ideas in association with the London Review of Books.

Saturday, October 31, 2020

Guest Blog: The Closing of the Canadian Mind: Campus libraries under quarantine

Contributed by: Rob Shields, Henry Marshall Tory Chair, University of Alberta

The year 2020 witnessed the withdrawal of millions of copies of books from library circulation.  Universities that had agreed to allow Google to scan books released searchable copies of those books in lieu of loaning printed editions.  The claim is that copyright law forced this Damocles choice between print and digital.  While the pandemic has seen the closure of libraries, digital copies held collectively as Hathi Trust won out as a way of providing access to millions of students since last March.  Not only were stacks closed but reading rooms and facilities were shuttered or available on a strictly limited basis.

However, there is no clear plan on how to return to the previous status quo, which would involve withdrawing that digital access.  Reading on screens seems to have won out over paper, even if expert opinion suggests that paper allows better retention and deeper reading.  For students skimming texts and those who are required to read specific sections, the digital solution may work well.   However, for those actually studying the texts, reading multiple volumes or comparing editions, it is difficult to read at such length with thoroughness on limited acreage of even multiple computer screens.  E-readers remain cumbersome and formats are obsessively engineered to prevent copying locked images of pages rather than note-taking or prioritizing a fluid reader experience. 

My librarian suggested printing out pages or buying personal copies but this transfers a significant expense to the student.  Students pay significant tuition and fees that they expect to include library access.  To be fair, digital formats provide some shortcuts: it is possible to search the texts for just the keywords one is interested in.  Any digital text can data mine for a term such as “race”, extracting relevant sentences long overlooked by previous generations of scholars.  Yet, the coordination of the eye with the hand on the page; the sense of where “halfway” is in a book or that one is getting to the end; the ease of underlining, or the delight of finding previous readers’ insights in the margins are lost to us.  Indeed, students do not curl up with an e-book.  Rather one is too often fixed at a computer screen in a fatiguing position. 

As part of the elimination of the “campus experience”, the withdrawal from circulation of a significant proportion of library books throughout North America changes the nature of the University and of scholarship in the humanities.  Anyone dealing with texts, such as historical books or the works of a major writer, faces new challenges in getting to understand the author’s output in the original format it was intended.  It is hard to imagine reading Sartre’s Being and Nothingness or nineteenth century classics thoroughly, critically and comparatively without having access to bound versions.  Many of these texts are miserable digital experiences.  Compare reading Little House on the Prairie online and as a book.   

“Digital reading” requires much more effort and concentration. The distraction of memes and short text alternatives such as Facebook just a window away is always tempting.  This also suggests that what we pass on in our culture has just shifted as some works will fare better on a laptop than others.  As a culture, we are losing the book, in the same way perhaps that the Chinese lost the ink scroll that unrolls to display text and images in an order that was carefully choreographed.  Scholars may mourn now.  The experience of reading and of studying has changed in ways that we will be examining for years.

As the bricks and mortar college shifts online, the social elements of academia are forced to move elsewhere.  Bars, clubs, fraternities and student societies perhaps?  There are new challenges to “meeting at the library” that dwarf the shushing of librarians of old.  That is, the library and books were never just intellectual or about ideas.  They were social environments and objects that could be shared and whose pleasures bound people of like mind together.  Because humans are intrinsically social, students and research will find other venues and opportunities for exchange.  

As a result, universities and their libraries are ceding place to other sites and institutions.  This will diminish their relevance for their hold on the development of ideas and attitudes.  Much as we have witnessed many churches closed and sold, so we might anticipate the same for institutions of higher learning.  Do we dare imagine the changes that such a shift to the digital entails?  No matter what happens, our libraries and universities have adapted to pandemic policies in ways that will change us for ever.

 

 

 

Sunday, September 6, 2020

Coquitlam’s Confucius Institute in light of Covid-19

 

School Trustees in SD43 missed their annual trip to China this past spring, and likely they will remain home again next year – one minor consequence of the virus originating from and mishandled in Wuhan.  And as the entire globe grapples with Covid-19, President Xi has galvanized Chinese Communist Party (CCP) ambitions – over Hong Kong, the Himalayas, Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang, Mongolia, the South China Sea, and, of course, democratically-elected Taiwan, the so-called “renegade” province.  What sort of government is this in China, where one man rules over its only party without limits?  Are not the new Emperor’s boundless aspirations rather self-evident?

Aside from the many overt geopolitical ventures, Xi persists in “hostage diplomacy”, the latest victim being Chinese-born Australian news anchor, Cheng Lei.  Hostage diplomacy is essentially an ugly Communist habit picked up from Stalin, who held a number of hostages in his time, including Chiang Kai-Shek’s only son, which gave the Soviet-supported CCP leverage as the they and the Nationalists (and Japanese) fought over control of China in the 1930’s and 1940’s.  According to Jung Chang and John Halliday’s book, Mao: The Untold Story, Mao’s famous “long march” was saved precisely because of Stalin’s hostage diplomacy.[1] It was also used during Mao’s Cultural Revolution.  Today Xi is copying from Mao.

Meanwhile, in sleepy Coquitlam BC, our “public” school board maintains a Confucius Institute, not at all far removed from the autocratic reach of the CCP itself, in the hopes that it will lure “business” in the name of overseas students thus adding to its coffers, since depleted because of Covid-19.  I am sure Chinese students will always want to come to Canada, not only for the fresh air, but also for a bit of breathing space, as Xi clamps down on even freedom of thought, where nothing within its grasp is deemed independent of the CCP.  But closing the Confucius Institute requires principle.  No school district should have one – or rely on the income from overseas students.  It’s a stand SD43 seems unwilling to take, owing to its sorry addiction to the cash nexus, induced by BC government chronic underfunding of education. History will not take too kindly to this Canadian yearning for the yuan.



[1] Jung Chang and John Halliday, Mao: The Untold Story (Toronto: Random House, 2005), pp. 130-137.

Thursday, July 16, 2020

Boccaccio’s “The Decameron” on bubonic plague in Florence in 1348: an extended excerpt

I say, then, that the years [of the era] of the fruitful Incarnation of the Son of God had attained to the number of one thousand three hundred and forty-eight, when into the notable city of Florence, fair over every other of Italy, there came the death-dealing pestilence, which, through the operation of the heavenly bodies or of our own iniquitous dealings, being sent down upon mankind for our correction by the just wrath of God, had some years before appeared in the parts of the East and after having bereft these latter of an innumerable number of inhabitants, extending without cease from one place to another, had now unhappily spread towards the West. And thereagainst no wisdom availing nor human foresight (whereby the city was purged of many impurities by officers deputed to that end and it was forbidden unto any sick person to enter therein and many were the counsels given for the preservation of health) nor yet humble supplications, not once but many times both in ordered processions and on other wise made unto God by devout persons,—about the coming in of the Spring of the aforesaid year, it began on horrible and miraculous wise to show forth its dolorous effects. Yet not as it had done in the East, where, if any bled at the nose, it was a manifest sign of inevitable death; nay, but in men and women alike there appeared, at the beginning of the malady, certain swellings, either on the groin or under the armpits, whereof some waxed of the bigness of a common apple, others like unto an egg, some more and some less, and these the vulgar named plague-boils. From these two parts the aforesaid death-bearing plague-boils proceeded, in brief space, to appear and come indifferently in every part of the body; wherefrom, after awhile, the fashion of the contagion began to change into black or livid blotches, which showed themselves in many [first] on the arms and about the thighs and [after spread to] every other part of the person, in some large and sparse and in others small and thick-sown; and like as the plague-boils had been first (and yet were) a very certain token of coming death, even so were these for every one to whom they came.

To the cure of these maladies nor counsel of physician nor virtue of any medicine appeared to avail or profit aught; on the contrary,—whether it was that the nature of the infection suffered it not or that the ignorance of the physicians (of whom, over and above the men of art, the number, both men and women, who had never had any teaching of medicine, was become exceeding great,) availed not to know whence it arose and consequently took not due measures thereagainst,—not only did few recover thereof, but well nigh all died within the third day from the appearance of the aforesaid signs, this sooner and that later, and for the most part without fever or other accident. And this pestilence was the more virulent for that, by communication with those who were sick thereof, it gat hold upon the sound, no otherwise than fire upon things dry or greasy, whenas they are brought very near thereunto. Nay, the mischief was yet greater; for that not only did converse and consortion with the sick give to the sound infection of cause of common death, but the mere touching of the clothes or of whatsoever other thing had been touched or used of the sick appeared of itself to communicate the malady to the toucher. A marvellous thing to hear is that which I have to tell and one which, had it not been seen of many men's eyes and of mine own, I had scarce dared credit, much less set down in writing, though I had heard it from one worthy of belief. I say, then, that of such efficience was the nature of the pestilence in question in communicating itself from one to another, that, not only did it pass from man to man, but this, which is much more, it many times visibly did;—to wit, a thing which had pertained to a man sick or dead of the aforesaid sickness, being touched by an animal foreign to the human species, not only infected this latter with the plague, but in a very brief space of time killed it. Of this mine own eyes (as hath a little before been said) had one day, among others, experience on this wise; to wit, that the rags of a poor man, who had died of the plague, being cast out into the public way, two hogs came up to them and having first, after their wont, rooted amain among them with their snouts, took them in their mouths and tossed them about their jaws; then, in a little while, after turning round and round, they both, as if they had taken poison, fell down dead upon the rags with which they had in an ill hour intermeddled.

From these things and many others like unto them or yet stranger divers fears and conceits were begotten in those who abode alive, which well nigh all tended to a very barbarous conclusion, namely, to shun and flee from the sick and all that pertained to them, and thus doing, each thought to secure immunity for himself. Some there were who conceived that to live moderately and keep oneself from all excess was the best defence against such a danger; wherefore, making up their company, they lived removed from every other and shut themselves up in those houses where none had been sick and where living was best; and there, using very temperately of the most delicate viands and the finest wines and eschewing all incontinence, they abode with music and such other diversions as they might have, never suffering themselves to speak with any nor choosing to hear any news from without of death or sick folk. Others, inclining to the contrary opinion, maintained that to carouse and make merry and go about singing and frolicking and satisfy the appetite in everything possible and laugh and scoff at whatsoever befell was a very certain remedy for such an ill. That which they said they put in practice as best they might, going about day and night, now to this tavern, now to that, drinking without stint or measure; and on this wise they did yet more freely in other folk's houses, so but they scented there aught that liked or tempted them, as they might lightly do, for that every one—as he were to live no longer—had abandoned all care of his possessions, as of himself, wherefore the most part of the houses were become common good and strangers used them, whenas they happened upon them, like as the very owner might have done; and with all this bestial preoccupation, they still shunned the sick to the best of their power.

In this sore affliction and misery of our city, the reverend authority of the laws, both human and divine, was all in a manner dissolved and fallen into decay, for [lack of] the ministers and executors thereof, who, like other men, were all either dead or sick or else left so destitute of followers that they were unable to exercise any office, wherefore every one had license to do whatsoever pleased him. Many others held a middle course between the two aforesaid, not straitening themselves so exactly in the matter of diet as the first neither allowing themselves such license in drinking and other debauchery as the second, but using things in sufficiency, according to their appetites; nor did they seclude themselves, but went about, carrying in their hands, some flowers, some odoriferous herbs and other some divers kinds of spiceries,[1] which they set often to their noses, accounting it an excellent thing to fortify the brain with such odours, more by token that the air seemed all heavy and attainted with the stench of the dead bodies and that of the sick and of the remedies used.

Some were of a more barbarous, though, peradventure, a surer way of thinking, avouching that there was no remedy against pestilences better than—no, nor any so good as—to flee before them; wherefore, moved by this reasoning and recking of nought but themselves, very many, both men and women, abandoned their own city, their own houses and homes, their kinsfolk and possessions, and sought the country seats of others, or, at the least, their own, as if the wrath of God, being moved to punish the iniquity of mankind, would not proceed to do so wheresoever they might be, but would content itself with afflicting those only who were found within the walls of their city, or as if they were persuaded that no person was to remain therein and that its last hour was come. And albeit these, who opined thus variously, died not all, yet neither did they all escape; nay, many of each way of thinking and in every place sickened of the plague and languished on all sides, well nigh abandoned, having themselves, what while they were whole, set the example to those who abode in health.

Indeed, leaving be that townsman avoided townsman and that well nigh no neighbour took thought unto other and that kinsfolk seldom or never visited one another and held no converse together save from afar, this tribulation had stricken such terror to the hearts of all, men and women alike, that brother forsook brother, uncle nephew and sister brother and oftentimes wife husband; nay (what is yet more extraordinary and well nigh incredible) fathers and mothers refused to visit or tend their very children, as they had not been theirs. By reason whereof there remained unto those (and the number of them, both males and females, was incalculable) who fell sick, none other succour than that which they owed either to the charity of friends (and of these there were few) or the greed of servants, who tended them, allured by high and extravagant wage; albeit, for all this, these latter were not grown many, and those men and women of mean understanding and for the most part unused to such offices, who served for well nigh nought but to reach things called for by the sick or to note when they died; and in the doing of these services many of them perished with their gain.

Of this abandonment of the sick by neighbours, kinsfolk and friends and of the scarcity of servants arose an usage before well nigh unheard, to wit, that no woman, how fair or lovesome or well-born soever she might be, once fallen sick, recked aught of having a man to tend her, whatever he might be, or young or old, and without any shame discovered to him every part of her body, no otherwise than she would have done to a woman, so but the necessity of her sickness required it; the which belike, in those who recovered, was the occasion of lesser modesty in time to come. Moreover, there ensued of this abandonment the death of many who peradventure, had they been succoured, would have escaped alive; wherefore, as well for the lack of the opportune services which the sick availed not to have as for the virulence of the plague, such was the multitude of those who died in the city by day and by night that it was an astonishment to hear tell thereof, much more to see it; and thence, as it were of necessity, there sprang up among those who abode alive things contrary to the pristine manners of the townsfolk.

It was then (even as we yet see it used) a custom that the kinswomen and she-neighbours of the dead should assemble in his house and there condole with those who more nearly pertained unto him, whilst his neighbours and many other citizens foregathered with his next of kin before his house, whither, according to the dead man's quality, came the clergy, and he with funeral pomp of chants and candles was borne on the shoulders of his peers to the church chosen by himself before his death; which usages, after the virulence of the plague began to increase, were either altogether or for the most part laid aside, and other and strange customs sprang up in their stead. For that, not only did folk die without having a multitude of women about them, but many there were who departed this life without witness and few indeed were they to whom the pious plaints and bitter tears of their kinsfolk were vouchsafed; nay, in lieu of these things there obtained, for the most part, laughter and jests and gibes and feasting and merrymaking in company; which usance women, laying aside womanly pitifulness, had right well learned for their own safety.

Few, again, were they whose bodies were accompanied to the church by more than half a score or a dozen of their neighbours, and of these no worshipful and illustrious citizens, but a sort of blood-suckers, sprung from the dregs of the people, who styled themselves pickmen [2] and did such offices for hire, shouldered the bier and bore it with hurried steps, not to that church which the dead man had chosen before his death, but most times to the nearest, behind five or six priests, with little light and whiles none at all, which latter, with the aid of the said pickmen, thrust him into what grave soever they first found unoccupied, without troubling themselves with too long or too formal a service.

Boccaccio, The Decameron (1353)[3]

 

 



[1] i.e. aromatic drugs

[2] i.e. gravediggers.

[3] Giovanni Boccaccio, The Decameron, tr. John Payne (New York: Walter J. Black, nd). Project Gutenberg E-book.  Excerpted from “Day the First”.

 


Thucydides and the plague in Athens

They had not been there many days when the plague broke out at Athens for the first time. A similar disorder is said to have previously smitten many places, particularly Lemnos, but there is no record of such a pestilence occurring elsewhere, or of so great a destruction of human life. For a while physicians, in ignorance of the nature of the disease, sought to apply remedies; but it was in vain, and they themselves were among the first victims, because they oftenest came into contact with it. No human art was of any avail, and as to supplications in temples, enquiries of oracles, and the like, they were utterly useless, and at last men were overpowered by the calamity and gave them all up.

The disease is said to have begun south of Egypt in Aethiopia; thence it descended into Egypt and Libya, and after spreading over the greater part of the Persian empire, suddenly fell upon Athens. It first attacked the inhabitants of the Piraeus, and it was supposed that the Peloponnesians had poisoned the cisterns, no conduits having as yet been made there. It afterwards reached the upper city, and then the mortality became far greater. As to its probable origin or the causes which might or could have produced such a disturbance of nature, every man, whether a physician or not, will give his own opinion. But I shall describe its actual course, and the symptoms by which any one who knows them beforehand may recognize the disorder should it ever reappear. For I was myself attacked, and witnessed the sufferings of others.

The season was admitted to have been remarkably free from ordinary sickness; and if anybody was already ill of any other disease, it was absorbed in this. Many who were in perfect health, all in a moment, and without any apparent reason, were seized with violent heats in the head and with redness and inflammation of the eyes. Internally the throat and the tongue were quickly suffused with blood, and the breath became unnatural and fetid. There followed sneezing and hoarseness; in a short time the disorder, accompanied by a violent cough, reached the chest; then fastening lower down, it would move the stomach and bring on all the vomits of bile to which physicians have ever given names; and they were very distressing. An ineffectual retching producing violent convulsions attacked most of the sufferers; some as soon as the previous symptoms had abated, others not until long afterwards. The body externally was not so very hot to the touch, nor yet pale; it was of a livid colour inclining to red, and breaking out in pustules and ulcers. But the internal fever was intense; the sufferers could not bear to have on them even the finest linen garment; they insisted on being naked, and there was nothing which they longed for more eagerly than to throw themselves into cold water. And many of those who had no one to look after them actually plunged into the cisterns, for they were tormented by unceasing thirst, which was not in the least assuaged whether they drank little or much. They could not sleep; a restlessness which was intolerable never left them. While the disease was at its height the body, instead of wasting away, held out amid these sufferings in a marvellous manner, and either they died on the seventh or ninth day, not of weakness, for their strength was not exhausted, but of internal fever, which was the end of most; or, if they survived, then the disease descended into the bowels and there produced violent ulceration; severe diarrhoea at the same time set in, and at a later stage caused exhaustion, which finally with few exceptions carried them off. For the disorder which had originally settled in the head passed gradually through the whole body, and, if a person got over the worst, would often seize the extremities and leave its mark, attacking the privy parts and the fingers and the toes; and some escaped with the loss of these, some with the loss of their eyes. Some again had no sooner recovered than they were seized with a forgetfulness of all things and knew neither themselves nor their friends.

The general character of the malady no words can describe, and the fury with which it fastened upon each sufferer was too much for human nature to endure. There was one circumstance in particular which distinguished it from ordinary diseases. The birds and animals which feed on human flesh, although so many bodies were lying unburied, either never came near them, or died if they touched them. This was proved by a remarkable disappearance of the birds of prey, which were not to be seen either about the bodies or anywhere else; while in the case of the dogs the result was even more obvious, because they live with man.

Such was the general nature of the disease: I omit many strange peculiarities which characterised individual cases. None of the ordinary sicknesses attacked any one while it lasted, or, if they did, they ended in the plague. Some of the sufferers died from want of care, others equally who were receiving the greatest attention.  No single remedy could be deemed a specific; for that which did good to one did harm to another. No constitution was of itself strong enough to resist or weak enough to escape the attacks; the disease carried off all alike and defied every mode of treatment. Most appalling was the despondency which seized upon any one who felt himself sickening; for he instantly abandoned his mind to despair and, instead of holding out, absolutely threw away his chance of life. Appalling too was the rapidity with which men caught the infection; dying like sheep if they attended on one another; and this was the principal cause of mortality. When they were afraid to visit one another, the sufferers died in their solitude, so that many houses were empty because there had been no one left to take care of the sick; or if they ventured they perished, especially those who aspired to heroism. For they went to see their friends without thought of themselves and were ashamed to leave them, at a time when the very relations of the dying were at last growing weary and ceased even to make lamentations, overwhelmed by the vastness of the calamity.  But whatever instances there may have been of such devotion, more often the sick and the dying were tended by the pitying care of those who had recovered, because they knew the course of the disease and were themselves free from apprehension. For no one was ever attacked a second time, or not with a fatal result. All men congratulated them, and they themselves, in the excess of their joy at the moment, had an innocent fancy that they could not die of any other sickness.

The crowding of the people out of the country into the city aggravated the misery; and the newly-arrived suffered most. For, having no houses of their own, but inhabiting in the height of summer stifling huts, the mortality among them was dreadful, and they perished in wild disorder. The dead lay as they had died, one upon another, while others hardly alive wallowed in the streets and crawled about every fountain craving for water. The temples in which they lodged were full of the corpses of those who died in them; for the violence of the calamity was such that men, not knowing where to turn, grew reckless of all law, human and divine. The customs which had hitherto been observed at funerals were universally violated, and they buried their dead each one as best he could.  Many, having no proper appliances, because the deaths in their household had been so numerous already, lost all shame in the burial of the dead. When one man had raised a funeral pile, others would come, and throwing on their dead first, set fire to it; or when some other corpse was already burning, before they could be stopped, would throw their own dead upon it and depart.

There were other and worse forms of lawlessness which the plague introduced at Athens. Men who had hitherto concealed what they took pleasure in, now grew bolder. For, seeing the sudden change,—how the rich died in a moment, and those who had nothing immediately inherited their property,—they reflected that life and riches were alike transitory, and they resolved to enjoy themselves while they could, and to think only of pleasure. Who would be willing to sacrifice himself to the law of honour when he knew not whether he would ever live to be held in honour? The pleasure of the moment and any sort of thing which conduced to it took the place both of honour and of expediency. No fear of Gods or law of man deterred a criminal. Those who saw all perishing alike, thought that the worship or neglect of the Gods made no difference. For offences against human law no punishment was to be feared; no one would live long enough to be called to account. Already a far heavier sentence had been passed and was hanging over a man's head; before that fell, why should he not take a little pleasure?

Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian Wars (430 BC)[1]


[1] Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian Wars, ed. Benjamin Jowett. Perseus Digital Library. Tufts University. Book II, 47-53.


Montaigne on the loathsomeness of liars

Experience has often shown me that – amusingly so, at the expense of those kinds of men whose profession is never to utter a word without trimming it to suit whatever business is being negotiated at the time, thereby pleasing the great ones with whom they are speaking.  Such men are prepared to make their honour and conscience slaves to present circumstances: but circumstances are liable to frequent change, and their work must vary with them.  They are obliged to call the very same thing first grey then yellow, saying one thing to this man, quite another to another.  If the persons, who receive such contrary advice happens to compare their haul, what becomes of their fine diplomacy? ….

Lying is an accursed vice.  It is only our words which bind us together and make us human.  If we realized the horror and weight of lying we would see that it is more worthy of the stake than other crimes.  I find that people normally waste time quite inappropriately punishing children for innocent misdemeanors, tormenting them for thoughtless actions which lead nowhere and leave no trace.  It seems to me that the only faults which we should vigorously attack as soon as they arise and start to develop are lying and, a little below that, stubbornness.  These faults grow up with the children.  Once let the tongue acquire the habit of lying and it is astonishing how impossible it is to make it give up.  That is why some otherwise decent men are abject slaves to it.  One of my tailors is a good enough fellow, but I have never heard him speak the truth, not even when it would help him if he did so. …

I cannot guarantee that I could bring myself to tell a solemn, bare-faced lie, even to ward off some obvious and immense danger.  One of the old Church Fathers says that even a dog we do know is better company than a man whose language we do not know. … How much less companionable than silence is the language of falsehood. [1]

Montaigne, Essays (1582)

 



[1] Michel de Montaigne, The Complete Essays, tr. M.A. Screech (Toronto: Penguin, 2003), pp. 34, 35.


Thursday, July 9, 2020

“Wuhan Diary”: A Book Review

Wuhan Diary is celebrated Chinese writer Fang Fang’s 60-entry-account of lockdown in her native city, epicenter of the novel coronavirus outbreak.[1]  The Diary was originally published online daily on microblogging sites Weibo and WeChat, and it attracted millions of followers, though her own access to the latter was blocked after the death of famed ophthalmologist, Dr. Li Wenliang.  The Diary has since been translated from the Chinese and is available to e-readers, also recently published in book form by HarperCollins.  It runs from January 25 to March 24, 2020.

The Diary gives readers great insight as to how uncompromising the lockdown was for the people in Wuhan in particular, for example: one man placed on quarantine was forced to abandon his disabled son resulting in the latter’s death by starvation.  In another incident, hospital workers and patients were required to sing patriotically, while officials remained apparently oblivious to the fact that the coronavirus is  a pneumonic disease affecting the lungs. 

But Fang Fang also reveals the apparent degree of complacency in the three week period of the outbreak prior to writing, which included concealment and its close cousin, censorship.  Officials repeatedly touted the line that it was “not contagious” and even “preventable”, and the author reminds the reader of this throughout, along with calls for accountability for their malfeasance.  A conference of some 40,000 people went ahead in this same “lax” period, and, according to the Mayor of Wuhan, about 5 million people  vacated the metropolis in advance of the Lunar New Year.  No wonder the virus spread beyond China’s borders.

Elsewhere the author remarks how on how Chinese abroad rallied to the cause (likely also prompted by the United Front, a product of President Xi’s machinations for overseas influence), and cleaned out store supplies of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) in their respective countries to send back to China.  Being a humanitarian, Fang Fang notes with perplexed sadness how the virus spread beyond China’s borders resulting in a shortage of PPE’s in the very countries from which these supplies first came.  One wonders, however, if President Xi’s decision to continue with air travel between China and the rest of the world was motivated, in part, by a less than benevolent desire to monopolize these materials. 

Wuhan Diary is a valuable account by a singular writer, and it is important to read to get a flavor of China under President Xi, under lockdown, and under quarantine.  One can appreciate Michael Berry’s predicament of translating a month behind Fang Fang’s real-time entries while coronavirus events are catching up to him in Los Angeles, where he is based.  Surely, if we had all read the Diary from the start we too would know to look out for our seniors in their care homes and our prison population.  But one finds a degree of naïveté with the undertaking: why publish with HarperCollins, which is owned by Rupert Murdoch, who also owns Fox News?  Aside from - or because of - her acclaim, Fang Fang also has countless online domestic detractors (left wing nationalists), and this will only continue – and get worse – given knowledge of the choice of publisher.  Surely the translator could have been a bit more sensitive to Fang Fang’s plight, helping to guide her to a different publisher. 

In the end, Fang Fang waxes most philosophically – to Western readers, at least – when she compares waiting for the lockdown to lift with Waiting for Godot: it never seems to happen.  Sadly, the reference seems more pertinent these days for those of us outside of China.

 

 



[1] Fang Fang, Wuhan Diary: Dispatches from a Quarantined City, tr. Michael Berry New York: HarperVia, 15 May 2020.


Sunday, May 3, 2020

Samuel Pepys’ “Diary” and the Great Plague of London in 1665: Selections


Samuel Pepys (1633-1703) was England’s Chief Secretary to the Admiralty during the reigns of both Charles II and James II.  He was important for his major role in building its navy – and Empire, which ultimately came to rule one quarter of the world.[1].  But Pepys the historical figure was largely forgotten until 1825 when a major portion of his Diary was transcribed and published, bringing to attention nine significant years of his life, from January 1659 until May 1669, when owing to fears that he was losing his vision, he stopped writing.  Today historians mine the Diary for its first-hand accounts of the Great Plague of London in 1665, its depiction of the Great Fire that ravaged the same city in 1666, and for his sexual secrets, making it a great source on gender relations. Pepys was, as an early biographer put it: “a man licentious in thought and deed, an unfaithful husband and a seducer.”[2]

Below is an extensive selection from Pepys’ Diary from the plague year.  One might imagine that Pepys was miserable in 1665.  Of course, he feared death and took precautions, for example, by sending his long-suffering wife away to Woolwich on July 5th, but as he noted in his Diary of December 31st: “I have never lived so merrily (besides that I never got so much) as I have done this plague time.”[3]  The same entry for December also reveals that he increased the value of his Estate almost three-fold that year.  Readers are invited to follow some of his thoughts as events unfolded, as well as his libidinous ways.


June 1665
10th. Lay long in bed, and then up and at the office all the morning.  At noon dined at home, and then to the office busy all the afternoon.  In the evening home to supper; and there, to my great trouble, hear that the plague is come into the City (though it hath these three or four weeks since its beginning been wholly out of the City); but where should it begin but in my good friend and neighbour’s, Dr. Burnett, in Fanchurch Street: which in both points troubles me mightily.  To the office to finish my letters and then home to bed, being troubled at the sicknesse, and my head filled also with other business enough, and particularly how to put my things and estate in order, in case it should please God to call me away, which God dispose of at his glory!

17th…. It struck me very deep this afternoon going with a hackney coach from my Lord Treasurer’s down Holborne, the coachman I found to drive easily and easily, at last stood still, and come down hardly able to stand, and told me that he was suddenly struck very sicke, and almost blind, he could not see; so I ‘light and went into another coach, with a sad heart for the poor man and trouble for myself, lest he should have been struck with the plague, being at the end of the towne that I took him up; but God have mercy upon us all! Sir John Lawson, I hear, is worse than yesterday: the King went to see him to-day most kindly. It seems his wound is not very bad; but he hath a fever, a thrush, and a hickup, all three together, which are, it seems, very bad symptoms.

18th (Lord’s day). Up, and to church, where Sir W. Pen was the first time [since he] come from sea, after the battle. Mr. Mills made a sorry sermon to prove that there was a world to come after this. Home and dined and then to my chamber, where all the afternoon. Anon comes Mr. Andrews to see and sing with me, but Mr. Hill not coming, and having business, we soon parted, there coming Mr. Povy and Creed to discourse about our Tangier business of money. They gone, I hear Sir W. Batten and my Lady are returned from Harwich. I went to see them, and it is pretty to see how we appear kind one to another, though neither of us care 2d. one for another. Home to supper, and there coming a hasty letter from Commissioner Pett for pressing of some calkers (as I would ever on his Majesty’s service), with all speed, I made a warrant presently and issued it. So to my office a little, and then home to bed.

21st. … So homewards and to the Cross Keys at Cripplegate, where I find all the towne almost going out of towne, the coaches and waggons being all full of people going into the country. Here I had some of the company of the tapster’s wife a while, and so home to my office, and then home to supper and to bed.

July 1665
20th. Up, in a boat among other people to the Tower, and there to the office, where we sat all the morning. So down to Deptford and there dined, and after dinner saw my Lady Sandwich and Mr. Carteret and his two sisters over the water, going to Dagenhams, and my Lady Carteret towards Cranburne ….

So all the company broke up in most extraordinary joy, wherein I am mighty contented that I have had the good fortune to be so instrumental, and I think it will be of good use to me. So walked to Redriffe, where I hear the sickness is, and indeed is scattered almost every where, there dying 1089 of the plague this week. My Lady Carteret did this day give me a bottle of plague-water home with me. So home to write letters late, and then home to bed, where I have not lain these 3 or 4 nights. I received yesterday a letter from my Lord Sandwich, giving me thanks for my care about their marriage business, and desiring it to be dispatched, that no disappointment may happen therein, which I will help on all I can. This afternoon I waited on the Duke of Albemarle, and so to Mrs. Croft’s, where I found and saluted Mrs. Burrows, who is a very pretty woman for a mother of so many children. But, Lord! to see how the plague spreads. It being now all over King’s Streete, at the Axe, and next door to it, and in other places.

30th (Lord’s day). Up, and in my night gowne, cap and neckcloth, undressed all day long, lost not a minute, but in my chamber, setting my Tangier accounts to rights. Which I did by night to my very heart’s content, not only that it is done, but I find every thing right, and even beyond what, after so long neglecting them, I did hope for. The Lord of Heaven be praised for it! Will was with me to-day, and is very well again. It was a sad noise to hear our bell to toll and ring so often to-day, either for deaths or burials; I think five or six times. At night weary with my day’s work, but full of joy at my having done it, I to bed, being to rise betimes tomorrow to go to the wedding at Dagenhams. So to bed, fearing I have got some cold sitting in my loose garments all this day.

31st. … At night to supper, and so to talk; and which, methought, was the most extraordinary thing, all of us to prayers as usual, and the young bride and bridegroom too and so after prayers, soberly to bed; only I got into the bridegroom’s chamber while he undressed himself, and there was very merry, till he was called to the bride’s chamber, and into bed they went.  I kissed the bride in bed, and so the curtaines drawne with the greatest gravity that could be, and so good night.  But the modesty and gravity of the business was so decent, that it was to me indeed ten times more delightfull that if it had been twenty times more merry and joviall ….

August 1665
3rd. … By and by met my Lord Crew returning, after having accompanied them a little way, and so after them, Mr. Marr telling me by the way how a mayde servant of Mr. John Wright’s (who lives thereabouts) falling sick of the plague, she was removed to an out-house, and a nurse appointed to look to her; who, being once absent, the mayde got out of the house at the window, and run away. The nurse coming and knocking, and having no answer, believed she was dead, and went and told Mr. Wright so; who and his lady were in great strait what to do to get her buried. At last resolved to go to Burntwood hard by, being in the parish, and there get people to do it. But they would not; so he went home full of trouble, and in the way met the wench walking over the common, which frighted him worse than before; and was forced to send people to take her, which he did; and they got one of the pest coaches and put her into it to carry her to a pest house. And passing in a narrow lane, Sir Anthony Browne, with his brother and some friends in the coach, met this coach with the curtains drawn close. The brother being a young man, and believing there might be some lady in it that would not be seen, and the way being narrow, he thrust his head out of his own into her coach, and to look, and there saw somebody look very ill, and in a sick dress, and stunk mightily; which the coachman also cried out upon. And presently they come up to some people that stood looking after it, and told our gallants that it was a mayde of Mr. Wright’s carried away sick of the plague; which put the young gentleman into a fright had almost cost him his life, but is now well again. …

4th. Up at five o’clock, and by six walked out alone, with my Lady Slanning, to the Docke Yard, where walked up and down, and so to Mr. Pett’s, who led us into his garden, and there the lady, the best humoured woman in the world, and a devout woman (I having spied her on her knees half an houre this morning in her chamber), clambered up to the top of the banquetting-house to gather nuts, and mighty merry, and so walked back again through the new rope house, which is very usefull; and so to the Hill-house to breakfast and mighty merry.

15th. Up by 4 o’clock and walked to Greenwich, where called at Captain Cocke’s and to his chamber, he being in bed, where something put my last night’s dream into my head, which I think is the best that ever was dreamt, which was that I had my Lady Castlemayne in my armes and was admitted to use all the dalliance I desired with her, and then dreamt that this could not be awake, but that it was only a dream; but since it was a dream, and that I took so much real pleasure in it, what a happy thing it would be if when we are in our graves (as Shakespeere resembles it) we could dream, and dream but such dreams as this, that when we should not need to be so fearful of death, as we are this plague time.

December 1665
31st (Lord’s day). … Thus ends this year, to my great joy, in this manner. I have raised my estate from £1300 in this year to £4400. I have got myself greater interest, I think, by my diligence, and my employments encreased by that of Treasurer for Tangier, and Surveyour of the Victualls. It is true we have gone through great melancholy because of the great plague, and I put to great charges by it, by keeping my family long at Woolwich, and myself and another part of my family, my clerks, at my charge at Greenwich, and a mayde at London; but I hope the King will give us some satisfaction for that. But now the plague is abated almost to nothing, and I intending to get to London as fast as I can. My family, that is my wife and maids, having been there these two or three weeks. The Dutch war goes on very ill, by reason of lack of money; having none to hope for, all being put into disorder by a new Act that is made as an experiment to bring credit to the Exchequer, for goods and money to be advanced upon the credit of that Act. I have never lived so merrily (besides that I never got so much) as I have done this plague time, by my Lord Bruncker’s and Captain Cocke’s good company, and the acquaintance of Mrs. Knipp, Coleman and her husband, and Mr. Laneare, and great store of dancings we have had at my cost (which I was willing to indulge myself and wife) at my lodgings.….

My whole family hath been well all this while, and all my friends I know of, saving my aunt Bell, who is dead, and some children of my cozen Sarah’s, of the plague. But many of such as I know very well, dead; yet, to our great joy, the town fills apace, and shops begin to be open again. Pray God continue the plague’s decrease! for that keeps the Court away from the place of business, and so all goes to rack as to publick matters, they at this distance not thinking of it.

Samuel Pepys Diary (from 1865)[4]





[1] Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Years of Peril (New York: Macmillan, 1935), p. xii.
[2] Arthur Bryant, Samuel Pepys: The Man in the Making (New York: Macmillan, 1933), p. xi.
[3] Arthur Bryant draws attention to this, cf. Ibid., p. 257.
[4] Source: Project Gutenberg Diary of Samuel Pepys, Complete, last updated August 9, 2016. Cf. Samuel Pepys, Diary of Samuel Pepys, Complete, transcribed by Rev. Bright, ed. Harry B. Wheatley (London: George Bell, 1893).