I will not – or maybe, cannot - read this book in its entirety, because the author’s research of the relevant literature is seriously lacking. I got about as far as page 51. Then I started skipping through the pages until settling on the last two chapters, which were of greater interest, even informative, but also flawed.
Historian Claire Rydall Arcenas, formerly a doctoral student
at Stanford University, begins her argument as follows: “… the Declaration’s
‘Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness’ cannot even be a relatively loose
translation, with the substitution of Locke’s ‘property’ for Jefferson’s
carefully chosen words ‘the pursuit of Happiness’.”[1] This is gravely mistaken.
It appears that a great number of Americans – not just the present
author in question here – look to Locke’s “Second Treatise” in the Two
Treatises of Government as the source of that famous trinity, “life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness.” In
an effort to substantiate this claim, they rely on a particular text – Arcenas
apparently among them - and on Locke’s words: “being all equal and independent,
no one ought to harm another in his Life, Health, Liberty, or Possessions.”[2]
In so doing, Arcenas clearly misses the fact that Locke is
the actual originator of the phrase “the pursuit of happiness.” It can be
found, as I have indicated elsewhere in an earlier blog post, in Locke’s
Essay Concerning Human Understanding:
As therefore the highest perfection of intellectual
nature, lies in a careful and constant pursuit of true and solid happiness; so
the care of ourselves, that we mistake not imaginary for real happiness, is the
necessary foundation of our liberty.
The stronger ties we have to an unalterable pursuit of happiness in
general, which is our greatest good, and which, as such, our desires
always follow, the more we are free from
any unnecessary determination of our will to any particular action, and
from a necessary compliance with our desire, set upon any particular, and then
appearing preferable good, till we have duly examined, whether it has a
tendency to, or be inconsistent with our real happiness: and therefore till we
are as much informed upon this inquiry, as to the weight of the matter, and the
nature of the case demands, we are by the necessity of preferring and pursuing
true happiness as our greatest good, obliged to suspend the satisfaction of our
desire in particular cases.[3]
I, therefore, put it to my readers that “life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness” is an amalgam of Locke’s sentence as extracted from
the “Second Treatise” and Locke’s Essay Concerning Human
Understanding. The “pursuit of
happiness” is not Jefferson’s own phraseology.
It is clearly Locke’s wording.
Arcenas’s argument that the Two
Treatises of Government was hardly cited after the American Revolution is
irrelevant.[4] In effect, Arcenas unwittingly supports my own
case when she goes on to assert that Locke’s prevailing influence derived not from the
Two Treatises but An Essay Concerning Human Understanding: “In
the nineteenth century [it] remained the primary basis for Locke’s nationwide
authority.”[5] She remarks (but does not wonder why) that when
President Millard Fillmore was choosing books for the first White House Library
in 1850: “he included the Essay but no other works by Locke.”[6] She adds (again, without the irony) that when
President Lincoln arrived at the White House just over a decade later: “he
would have been pleased to find the Essay in the White House Library.”[7]
In other words, that Locke was
sufficiently understood in the nineteenth century (and prior) to be the
originator of the phrase “the pursuit of happiness” was reason enough for
American presidents to keep a copy of An Essay Concerning Human
Understanding to the exclusion of any of Locke’s other works. Arcenas
dwells on the Essay at some length, but appears not to have read it with
care.
In attempting to undermine the influence of Locke on
Jefferson, Arcenas is also minimizing the importance of Enlightenment ideas,
which were so profoundly shaped by Locke’s very own thinking via Voltaire, as
well as other philosophes, and their readers.
Locke was also aided by Newton, certainly an Enlightenment figurehead:
the two belonged to many of the same social circles, knew each other, wrote to
the other, and probably read each other (or at least, Locke read the less complicated
aspects of Newton).[8] If I were to hazard a guess, when Locke began
Chapter Two “Of the State of Nature” in the “Second Treatise” he was really
channeling his inner Newton. Locke’s
words “A State also of Equality, wherein all the Power and Jurisdiction is
reciprocal, no one having more than the other” bear some resemblance to
Newton’s Third Law of Motion: “For each and every action there is an equal and
opposite reaction.” It could also be
argued that the aforementioned Newtonian principle served as a model for Lockean
political resistance to James II prior to the Glorious Revolution of 1688/89. I find it fascinating that Newton published
his most famous book, Mathematical Principles of Natural Philosophy (which
contained the three laws of motion) in 1687.
Note, as well, Newton’s allusion to a trinity in the laws of motion, a
theme I have explored in these blog pages many times before.
Locke died in 1704, and the Declaration of Independence occurred
in 1776. Arcenas likens the period in between these two dates to some sort of dead,
or inert history. She asserts: “… the
Locke Jefferson and his contemporaries knew was an eighteenth-century Locke,
one who has been forgotten, brushed aside by weighty historiographical debates,
calculated political maneuvers, and the simple passage of time.”[9]
She continues this same vein in her
conclusion, where Locke was taken “as a guide and a model – albeit for purposes
that were often more personal and mundane than the development of political
philosophies.”[10]
What then are ideas?
Are they just ephemeral ‘schools of thought’ that die when a philosopher
passes on? Are they, in an historiographic sense, simply rejigged or reinvented
at certain moments of history, to suit curriculum needs of burgeoning
universities in the aftermath of the Second World War, as Arcenas describes. Is there no element of truth to an intellectual
tradition? Is there no consideration for
Locke who considered himself a man of Truth? Are we guided only by social myth?
Arcenas’s chapter, “John Locke and the Invention of the
American Political Tradition,” is by far one of the more interesting, but it
lacks imagination. She points to a Life
editorial of 1949, where the following was put: “We [Americans] have only the dimmest
idea of where we came from.”[11] I would put it to my readers that Arcenas
also has a poor idea of American origins; so, the problem continues. Could it
not be that the post Second World War generation actually had a clearer notion
of the intellectual connection between “the pursuit of happiness” and John
Locke? Look, for example, at Bertrand
Russell’s famous tome History of Western Philosophy, first published in
1946, regarded (according to the jacket cover) as “the best-selling philosophy
book of the twentieth century.” Bertrand
Russell discusses therein Locke’s politics, and his theory of knowledge, and he
identifies the “pursuit of happiness” as a quotation from Locke’s Essay
(but lacks some precision with the citation).[12]
Given this fact, I would argue that Locke was better remembered – and more
accurately so - in the 1950’s than Arcenas is prepared to admit.
In the end - and, again, perhaps unwittingly, what we get from Arcenas’s work is some sort of apologia that mistakenly supports a right-wing agenda, in other words, the Trumpian Maga crowd that today seeks a “patriarch”. Arcenas undermines the legacy of Locke and what lies behind his work - the theoretical origins of political resistance against tyranny. Locke was no apologist. Neither was Jefferson. Give me fresh air!
[1]
Claire Rydell Arcenas, America’s Philosopher: John Locke in American
Intellectual Life (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2023), p. 51.
[2]
John Locke, “Second Treatise” in Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter
Laslett (Cambridge\: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 269 (Section 6).
[3]
John Locke, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (London: Penguin,
2004), pp. 244,245. (See Book II, Chapter 21, Section 51).
[4]
Arcenas, America’s Philosopher, p. 52.
[5] Ibid.,
p. 60.
[6] Ibid.
[7] Ibid.,
p. 61.
[8]
Patricia Fara, Newton: The Making of a Genius (London: Picador, 2002),
p. 18.
[9]
Arcenas, America’s Philosopher, p. 51.
[10] Ibid.,
p. 162.
[11] Ibid.,
p. 128.
[12] Russell, History of Western Philosophy, p. 559. Russell’s source is correct, but his chapter reference in the footnote is not accurate. See my footnote no. 3.
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