In his excellent, well-argued and panoptic book, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from Nietzsche to Postmodernism (2004), historian Richard Wolin makes the case that recent intellectual figures on the French left – notably Derrida and Foucault – inherited an antihumanism that actually derived from the German right of the 1920’s, in particular Heidegger. Wolin calls the problem: “left Heideggerianism”.[1] That the unrepentant Heidegger has been incriminated as author of the notorious Black Notebooks - and, thus, thoroughly discredited as Nazi philosopher king - is the subject of Wolin’s latest work.[2] It is also worth pointing out that French postmodernists shared in the same stream of Counter-Enlightenment thinking as can be found among the minds of Catholic reactionaries from the era of the French Revolution: de Maistre, the Royalist, and de Bonald, the traditionalist.
The phenomenal reception of Jacques Derrida’s
“deconstructionism” by those in North American academe (though, not nearly as
much in his native France) is of special interest here. This may have been due to the fact that Derrida
offered “Marx without Marxism” for the theoretically deprived.[3]
But did he really offer a theory of
criticism informed by reason, or was it something else? If we look to Derrida’s
1989 essay: “Force of Law: The ‘Mystical Foundations of Authority’”, he strips
Law of all presumption, arguing, in effect, that it is based on a “mystique”, thereby
following from Montaigne, a cultural relativist, and then Pascal, who is
steeped in the poetic sensibilities.[4]
In effect, Derrida questions Reason as
well as the Enlightenment and, by implication, formal procedures because,
in his view, “the law is deconstructible”.
We can also see this in Donald Trump’s behaviour and in his
all-out attacks on the law with its representatives each time he has been
indicted. Special Prosecutors, District
Attorneys, Judges, Juries, the Justice Department, other Presidents – you name
it: everything but the incriminating evidence itself is subject to the
sorcerer’s venom. So, in the name of “deconstruction”, Trump is borrowing an approach from the Left, which,
as Wolin demonstrates, was never far removed from the Right. And it is not merely the law that is subject
to such deconstructionist disparaging, but the state of disunion itself, which Trump aims to further. Consider Derrida’s own words, below, quoted here
at length for context, with added emphases:
Since the origin of authority, the foundation or ground,
the position of law can’t by definition rest on anything but themselves, they
are a violence without ground. Which is
not to say that they are in themselves unjust, in the sense of “illegal”. They are neither legal nor illegal in their
founding moment. They exceed the opposition between founded and unfounded, or between any foundationalism or
anti-foundationalism. Even if the success of performatives that found law or right (for
example, and this is more than an example, of a state as a guarantor of right)
presupposes earlier conditions and conventions (for example in the national or
international arena), the same “mystical” limit will appear at the supposed
origin of said conditions, rules or conventions, and at the origin of their
dominant interpretation.
The structure I am describing here is a structure in
which law (droit) is essentially deconstructible, whether because it is
founded, constructed on interpretable and transformable textual strata (and
that is the history of law [droit], its possible and necessary transformation,
sometimes its amelioration), or because its ultimate foundation is by
definition unfounded. The fact that
law is deconstructible is not bad news.
We may even see in this a stroke of luck for politics, for all
historical progress. But the paradox
that I’d like to submit for discussion is the following: it is this
deconstructible structure of law (droit), or if you prefer of justice as droit,
that also insures the possibility of deconstruction. Justice in itself, if such a thing exists,
outside or beyond law, in not deconstructible.
No more than deconstruction itself, if such a thing exists. Deconstruction is justice.[5]
…. The deconstruction of all presumption of a
determinant certitude of a present justice itself operates on the basis of
an infinite “idea of justice”, infinite because it is irreducible, irreducible
because owed to the other, owed to the other, before any contract, because it
has come, the other’s coming as the singularity that is always other. This “idea of justice” seems to be
irreducible in its affirmative character, in its demand of gift without
exchange, without circulation, without recognition or gratitude, without
economic circularity, without calculation and without rules, without reason
and without rationality. And so
we can recognize in it, indeed accuse, identify a madness. And perhaps another sort of mystique. And deconstruction is mad about this desire
for justice. This kind of justice, which
isn’t law, is the very movement of deconstruction at work in law and the
history of law, in political history and history itself, before it even
presents itself as the discourse that the academy or modern culture labels
“deconstructionism.”[6]
[1] Richard
Wolin, The Seduction of Unreason: The Intellectual Romance with Fascism from
Nietzsche to Postmodernism, 2nd ed. (Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 2019), p. 247.
[2] Richard
Wolin, Heidegger in Ruins: Between Philosophy and Ideology (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 2022).
[3]
Wolin, Seduction of Unreason, p. 224.
[4] Jacques
Derrida, “Force of Law: ‘The Mystical Foundations of Authority’” in Deconstruction
and the Possibility of Justice, ed. Drucilla Cornell, et al. (New
York: Routledge, 1992), p. 14. Derrida’s Essay was a keynote address delivered
in October 1989.
[5] Ibid.,
pp. 14,15. Emphasis added.
[6]
Ibid, Emphasis added.
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