Harper has not appointed anyone to the Senate in the last
two years, and his recently announced moratorium compares with his prorogations
of the House of Commons in years past. They are examples of the Executive (the
Prime Minister) interfering with the Legislative, and for those not in the
know: the Senate continues to be part of the Canadian Legislature. Harper’s
constitutional pyrotechnics (borrowed in this case from the NDP, where one
polarizing party mimics another) flies in the face of the Supreme Court which
states that Senate constitutional reform can only happen by agreement of the ten provinces – not by
attrition and by starving provinces of historic representation.
Harper’s Senate spectacle amounts to a farce. It is he who appointed inferior candidates to
the chamber of “sober second thought” (including the illiterate Jacques Demers). It is he who dismisses their residency
requirements, as in the case of former media assets Pamela Wallen and Mike Duffy. It is he who fears the upcoming testimony of
his own, once loyal Nigel Wright – on whom Harper turned in the fallout following
his Chief of Staff’s ‘misguided’ $90,000 cheque to Duffy. It is Harper who apparently confers with just one other - Saskatchewan Premier Brad Wall, known for his opposition to the Senate. It is Harper who needs to shore up his sagging
polling numbers, hence cheap populism trumps the Canadian Constitution which
has ‘evolved’ more in the past 10 years than it has in its entire 148 year
history. (And note just how many levers
Harper is willing to exercise in the face of his government’s poor economic
showing).
Here is an excerpt from John Locke’s “Second Treatise of
Government” (circa. 1681) articulating how Harper is ‘altering’ government (and
has on more than one occasion):
When the Prince hinders the Legislative from assembling in its due time, or from acting freely, pursuant to those ends, for which it was Constituted, the Legislative is altered. For ‘tis not a certain number of Men, no, nor their meeting, unless they also have freedom of debating, and Leisure of perfecting, what is for the good of the Society wherein the Legislative consists: when these are taken away or altered, so as to deprive the Society of the due exercise of their Power, the Legislative is truly altered. For it is not Names, that Constitute Governments, but the use and exercise of those Powers that were intended to accompany them; so that he who takes away the Freedom, or hinders the acting of the Legislative in its due seasons, in effect takes away the Legislative, and puts an end to the Government.[1]
When the Prince hinders the Legislative from assembling in its due time, or from acting freely, pursuant to those ends, for which it was Constituted, the Legislative is altered. For ‘tis not a certain number of Men, no, nor their meeting, unless they also have freedom of debating, and Leisure of perfecting, what is for the good of the Society wherein the Legislative consists: when these are taken away or altered, so as to deprive the Society of the due exercise of their Power, the Legislative is truly altered. For it is not Names, that Constitute Governments, but the use and exercise of those Powers that were intended to accompany them; so that he who takes away the Freedom, or hinders the acting of the Legislative in its due seasons, in effect takes away the Legislative, and puts an end to the Government.[1]
As Locke puts it: “it is not Names that Constitute
Governments” but in Canada’s case it is Harper’s name that is everywhere, tending
to disguise “the rule of law” of which the Prime Minister speaks with so much
fondness. (But note how little attention
he has paid – in true Hobbesian form - to the 800th anniversary of
the Magna Carta). The Senate is part
of the Canadian Constitution, like it or not, but the latter is being meddled
with, singlehandedly, along with many other aspects of government, all in
Harper’s name. Perhaps the only good
thing about the Senate moratorium is that it will allow Harper (or another
party) more opportunity to appoint candidates who actually merit the position.
[1][1]
John Locke, Two Treatises of Government. Cambridge Texts in the History of Political
Thought, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p.
409 (para. 215). See also my earlier blog entry “Canada and John Locke’s ‘Two Treatises’”.
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